Leon Custom

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With Hindsight – The Way Forward For Sierra Leone

Overview

Sierra Leone has just experienced one of its finest moments in history, notwithstanding all the prophecies, soothsayers, dooms day predictions and many actors playing the DEVILS ADVOCATE.  Its people have demonstrated to the whole world that it has come of age and can make a choice base on free conscience and love of country.  It is only the beginning of a new dawn. Now is the time to attract the ingredients to ensure the dream, vision and aspirations of every Sierra Leonean become a reality. There is now a God fearing man steering the ship of state to prosperity and greater heights with the mandate of the people.

The demonstration of the President’s magnanimity must not be taken for granted or for weakness. His spirit of human generosity and compassion is the imperative key to the door uniting the people to success for the benefit of all. He has changed the paradigm putting country before self, rather than self before country.  Starting his leadership journey by promoting probity and transparency is the best course for achieving lasting peace, security and sustainability. Sierra Leone has achieved political democracy levelling the playing field. What the country needs now is Economic Democracy which the President has already initiated by his moves. As an entrepreneur he knows that you cannot take over a business without first of all knowing the balance sheet giving you a clear perspective and insight to the status of affairs. For a country to succeed in its quests for development it must be run like an enterprise. Sierra Leone’s emancipation must be focused on economic revolution. Everyone must welcome this opportunity to commend the president on this bold initiative in “Accounting to the People” auditing the entire gamut of government including all diplomatic missions in all collateral form.

Before the start of proper functioning of government, the people must know the balance sheet as of 1996 covering all income and expenditures including donations to inculcate checks and balances on incoming public officials.

Core Issue

Public confidence in the integrity and effectiveness of politics and governance in Sierra Leone has eroded within the past 30 years. The loss of trust extends to public officials, the electoral process, and the manner in which public policy and law are shaped and implemented. The signs of democratic discontent are many: declining levels of voter participation; the indifference and disaffection of the young; the reluctance of serious citizens to enter public life, high levels of apathy, distrust, even contempt for the state politics.

What accounts for this pattern of civic withdrawal and disaffection?

There are many contributing factors, but the general explanation is clear.  When the people do not believe the political process is just and effective, they are reluctant to participate in it. Popular perceptions of political unfairness are quite specific.  They include corruption and role of political campaigns; the grave inequalities of access and influence that money buys; the disproportionate power of organized interests on democratic decision making; the disturbing impotence of the national government in addressing vital public concerns; profound inequalities in economic and political power among citizens.

The pervasive belief that government is partial, tribalistic and serves the interests of the powerful has demoralized democracy.  It has weakened support for government, generated distrust of public officials, and significantly reduced the civic engagement of ordinary citizens. As public participation in politics has declined, the power and influence of outsiders have increased. Their deliberate attempt to influence political decisions through various forms of public advocacy and interactions has become a critical factor in both the electoral and governing process of our country.

What are its moral and political limitations?  How does it affect the common good and the needs of the poor and the powerless?  Of greatest importance, perhaps, how does it affect the integrity of the decision-making process; the accountability of public officials; the confidence of the people in their government; the responsible engagement of citizens in public affairs?

In our democracy we need the mediating institutions of civil society to connect its citizens with their government and to protect them against abuses of public power.  For several reasons, civil society has weakened during the last 30 years.  Loyalty to political parties is divided, not sincere and tribalistic; the press has become partisan and less responsible; the mainstream churches and the academy have lost moral authority.  As these traditional institutions have grown weaker, lobbyists, lawyers, organized interests groups and skilled professional advocates have expanded in number and influence.  But it is not only their numbers that have grown.

They have become too involved, highly entrenched and effective in shaping legislation, advancing or opposing public agendas, influencing political appointments, affecting the implementation of public policy and law. Special interests have moved far beyond the purchase of political access and influence.

As the present scenario revealed, organized interests now use all the tools of modern political communications to advance their objectives:  massive and expensive grass-roots lobbying, shaping public opinion through the media and political advertising, fundraising for candidates who are increasingly dependent on organized interests for electoral support, targeting key members of society, etc.  The cost, size, power and reach of these opinion and decision shaping effects are unprecedented. The incessant scramble for money both propels and paralyzes political life. It preoccupies public officials and their staffs, heightens their dependence on organized interests, drives conscientious citizens out of electoral politics, and deepens the distrust of ordinary citizens for their elected representatives. Where does the balance of political power now lie?

Corrupt politicians and officials have grown stronger, but civil society is weaker.  Organized interests have gained greater political influence, but the traditional and customary influence in totality is in decline.  Individuals and partisan advocates drive the public agenda, while ordinary citizens lament the state of our democracy.  Our constitution guarantees the people the right to petition the government or a redress of grievances. Our law and custom also support the right of voluntary association, the freedom of citizens to join together in support of shared principles, opinions and interests. The creation of interest groups, therefore, and the practice of political lobbying are traditional rights of all citizens. Like other civic rights, they provide a necessary check on governmental power and enable aggrieved citizens or groups to seek redress for public or private injury. Honest and well-informed members of society, the communications media, and the general public with relevant information and incisive arguments bearing on matters of public debate and voluntary associations of citizens united in a common cause are a significant source of political power.  They can act in their own right, for good or ill, but they can also exert significant influence on public policy and law and on the vitality of civic life.

The Power of Organized Interests

In a democratic society, voluntary associations of all kinds must be encouraged and permitted. These associations of principle shared moral passion, charitable associations like the UN, EEC, Red Cross and other NGOs; popular coalitions for political and social reform, the civil rights movements; political parties of quite different persuasions; and business associations of shared economic interest.

What political resources do these voluntary associations possess?

They have money; organizational ability; relevant knowledge; energy, passion and civic activism; a reputation for significant political clout.  Economic resources, though they are only one source of public power, have a substantial influence on African politics. They not only fund the campaigns of political candidates and parties, but they can be used to hire skilled professionals, lawyers, lobbyists, and media experts, to advance the economic interests of their clients.  “Money Talks” according to experienced observers and participants in similar circumstance, as unequal economic power translates into disproportionate political influence. Well documented interdependence of economic and political power is a principal source of democratic discontent.  It creates a systemic inequality in the access of citizens to public officials and in the shaping of public policy.

Organized interests with substantial political power directly affect the normal operations of government. They frame the national policy agenda, prevent unwanted reform; advance or oppose political appointments; influence legislative and regulatory decisions; and, through strategic media campaigns, effectively control public opinion on controversial national issues. The universal norms that govern all human action also apply to the conduct of politicians. These include prescriptive norms like telling the truth, promoting justice and treating other persons with integrity and respect.  They also include the proscriptive norms that forbid bribery, distortion, flattery and fraud.  Several of the relevant norms arise from the distinctive practices in which government engage.

These norms include:

a. Compliance with both the letter and the spirit of existing laws;

b. The avoidance of conflicts of interest;

c. The appropriate respect for confidentiality;

d. Full disclosure of assets;

e. Honest and dedicated service to the nation;

f. The avoidance of unjust techniques (ad hominem attacks, half truths, scare tactics, the artificial creation of grass roots, e.g.);

g. Preserving the reputation and integrity of government;

h. Striking the appropriate balance between private interests and the common good;

i. Creating a public culture in which responsible advocacy, rather than success at any price, becomes the operative norm.

Democratic Legitimacy Law

Cannot guarantee the commitment and allegiance of democratic citizens to their country.  Public trust in government and in the democratic process rests on perceived legitimacy, and legitimacy, in turn, on the faithful observance of basic democratic precepts.  The principal task of democracy is to engage its citizens in discovering and promoting the public good. This formidable project requires knowledgeable citizens with a firm commitment to the nation’s well being.  Our present situation of peace do not entail that our underlying civic culture is sound and that the civic allegiance of our citizens is strong.

What are the legitimating principles on which an authentic representative democracy rests?

1. The political equality of all citizens.

2. Political equality concretely means equal civic rights and obligations, and a significant opportunity to influence public decisions.  When citizens are not political equals, the moral foundations of democracy are subverted. (Dahl, 178)

3. A fair process of selecting political representatives, delegating public responsibilities, and communicating public views to elected officials.

4. The accountability of elected officials to the community of citizens through free and fair elections.

5. The informed consent of the governed.

6. Public service is a public trust.  Judges, legislators and members of the executive branch are directly responsible for the common good.

7. The right of all citizens to meaningful and effective participation in democratic self-governance.

8. The appropriate transparency of the decision making process.

9. Governmental responsiveness to public needs and concerns.

10. The protection of individual rights.

11. The promotion of justice, both distributive and rectificatory, and an active commitment to promoting the public good.

12. The long-term sustainability of the democratic community; this means giving permanent and comprehensive public goods consistent precedence over transient and parochial private interests.

13. The deliberative practices of democracy should refine and enlarge public opinion and enhance the readiness of citizens to make informed and responsible decisions.

Appropriate and Effective Reforms

What can be done to remedy the abuses of political advocacy, decadence and the inequities created by corrupt individuals and politicians all for their own organized interests?  What can be done to restore public confidence in the integrity and legitimacy of our democracy and country?  It is the central point of my writing, which the two questions are interconnected and must be examined together.  To paraphrase, we are seeking democratic remedies for democratic ills.  While insuring the rights of association and public advocacy, what can be done to promote their more responsible exercise? We need to distinguish the different levels of political reform. Personal reform: individual clients, public officials, journalists, and ordinary citizens can change the way they think and act in the political realm.  They can more faithfully observe the internal norms of their public roles, and more effectively balance their professional obligations and civic responsibilities.  They can lead by example, by speaking and acting in ways that restore dignity to political life once again, to our beautiful nation and country.

Institutional and Structural Reform:

Until the problem of corruption with impunity is dealt with and the issue of partisan politics reviewed, it is unrealistic to expect the political process to improve in Sierra Leone.

We must reform the way in which political campaigns are conducted.  The “pay to play” or pay as you go system creates major inequities in access, influence and power. It demoralizes ordinary citizens, drives them to the political sidelines, and systematically disadvantages the poor and powerless. Public confidence in government will not be restored until corruption and rigging ceases to dominate African politics.

The institutions of civil society, particularly the political parties, need to be strengthened.  When intermediate institutions are vital and visible, they connect ordinary citizens with their government and provide them with opportunities for meaningful civic participation.

The political media have become increasingly sensationalistic and profit-driven.  Their coverage of public affairs is typically superficial and slanted towards controversy.  The media have largely abandoned their historic role of refining and enlarging public opinion by explaining and interpreting policy differences and placing them in a broader, more historical frame of reference. A free and responsible press is an essential part of a healthy democracy.

All institutions whose conduct significantly affects the political community are subject to public norms and appraisal.  Public accountability applies to everyone involved in the decision making process, not only to elected officials.  To insure such accountability, full public disclosure and specific political initiatives should be required.

The accountability of public officials to the people is guaranteed by free, fair and frequent elections.  We also need to create new public forums where citizens and their representatives can assemble to exchange political opinions and to deliberate together about the public good.  Ordinary citizens will not return to the public realm until they believe their political opinions are given legitimacy without fear of intimidation or persecution.

Cultural Reform

Africans especially Sierra Leoneans, at all levels, need to re-examine the way they think, speak and feel about government, themselves and their country. We have created a political culture that emphasizes rights and diminishes responsibilities, that celebrates the pursuit of self-interest and questions the possibility of civic virtues that highlights individual misconduct and glosses over systematic unfairness that cultivates sceptical attitudes about disinterested citizenship and devotion to the common good. In the original vision of Sir Milton our first prime Minister, politics, the symbol of the commonwealth, enjoyed directive authority over economics, the symbol of self-interested activity.

Today, tribalism, economic interests and institutional models heavily dominate politics.  The conduct of government increasingly resembles that of commercial enterprises, as marketing, bargaining, public relations and partisan advocacy become pervasive.  Nearly everyone conceives of political action as a way of advancing private concerns.  As long as this market-driven mentality prevails and excludes other ways of conceiving political life, a sustained cultural critique of our democracy will be difficult to mount.

If the pursuit of self-interest is the operative norm, then clients, lobbyists, public officials, journalists, and citizens are fully justified in pursuing their own desires, without due regard for the needs of the disadvantaged and their fiduciary obligations to posterity. It is very important to distinguish between explicit corruption and systematic unfairness.  Examples of corruption include bribery, quid pro quo contributions, lying and distortion and conflicts of interest.  To check explicit corruption, we need clear rules of conduct for clients, lobbyists and public officials and strict enforcement of them.  Examples of systematic unfairness include the disproportionate influence of powerful interests, lack of adequate and fair representation for all citizens, the absence of meaningful political equality.

Institutional and cultural reform and far more effective civic education are needed to correct structural inequities and cultural prejudices.  Unfortunately, the media and the general public are more attentive to personal wrongdoing than to institutional and cultural bias.  Simply consider the media coverage given to other issues as opposed to the structural problems of economic and political inequality, the role of money in driving electoral politics, the weakening of political parties, the coverage of foreign affairs, and the devolution of governmental power.

The Profits of Peace

It has been said that the cost of peace, at its most expensive, is but a fraction of the cost of war.  This is true. However, this is not usually seen as being the very problem we are in the presence of.  Let me rephrase it this way: until one can make as much or more profit by making peace as one can by making war, then the choice shall be war. The government should strengthen private sector development program to bring jobs and commercial development to Sierra Leone.  At least for some temporary duration, perhaps five  years, tariffs and duties on building materials and educational items should be suspended, and all commercial activities, which are dim legal, should be allowed without the requirement of any government license or permit whatsoever to citizens.

Let Sierra Leone be a 100% free market for any Sierra Leonean citizen and entrepreneurs for a specific period.  Let them import rice and other food without restriction.  Let the people be free to wage peace. Whereas some Lebanese and foreigners are no doubt running a criminal enterprises and not really legitimate businesses at all, this point is true and also irrelevant to the central point that the current paradigm of governance with its ossified and archaic system of institutionalised nepotism and corruption is serious. The present attitude and behaviour to each other is a very large part of the problem, and no amount of finger pointing and apologist’s tendency will ever take away certain basic truths.

Conclusion

In seeking to reform our democracy and its politics, there is a great need for sobriety and realism.  There are no perfect solutions to these serious national problems.  A high level of practical wisdom is required because good intentions are an inadequate basis for reform, and the law of unintended consequences remains in force.  In pursuing political justice, there is a constant need to balance the claims of equality and liberty.  Moreover, there are inherent limits to the corrective power of rules and regulations.  All rules need to be interpreted and applied, and this discretionary practice can easily follow the letter, rather than the spirit, of the law.  Fundamental shifts of attitude and outlook, both personal and cultural, are even more important than codified rules.  Even the most prudent institutional changes will have limited practical effect without a deep cultural preconception of citizenship, public service and civic responsibility. Democracy should be the most educational form of government.  It should engage the people and their elected representatives in a continuous forum of public debate about national well being.  African democracy today is seriously failing in its educational mission because its political leaders have lost the trust of ordinary citizens.  Large numbers of citizens, particularly the young, no longer believe in the legitimacy of their government and in the fairness of the democratic process.

This decline in public confidence coincides with a devalued sense of civic obligation, as citizens neglect to vote, remain apathetic about public affairs, and surrender to the illusion of political impotence.  There are deep structural reasons for this civic decline, but the growth of external influences in how we run our affairs of state and the money culture that surrounds it are among the most important.  Unless this serious decline is arrested and reversed, the alienation of the people from their democracy will worsen and reach crisis proportions.  The gravest ethical issue facing our country and the African continent is not the conduct of our politicians but the state of our democracy both social and economical.

About the Author

Syl Juxon Smith is a Member of ASIS & WABA: Commercial Industrial Business Security Consult (Africa) CCTV SYSTEMS-ALARMS-ACCESS CONTROL SYSTEMS TENDER AND DESIGN SPECIFICATIONS HOME GROWN INTEGRATED SECURITY SOLUTIONS WITH EXPERIENCE IN AFRICA - Offering PR International Trade and Business Consult and Representation

juxonsmith@aol.com

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